
The Direct Provision Files show government responses to concerns surrounding the system of direct provision accommodation were solely limited to reforms. The first iteration of House Rules in direct provision accommodation centres were publicly issued in 2005. A 2008 review of the House Rules did not result in any significant changes. In establishing the McMahon Group on direct provision and international protection, government officials in 2014 appeared to have three key aims: (1) any changes to the entirety of the system of direct provision should be as close to cost neutral as possible; (2) there would be no ability for the McMahon Group to examine alternatives to direct provision; and, (3) Non-governmental organisations invited to be representatives on the McMahon Group would be ‘brought into the tent’.
- Adequate storage provided for persons in direct provision;
- Play, recreation and study facilities be provided;
- Alleviation of cramped conditions for asylum seekers;
- ‘In so far as reasonably practicable’, single asylum seekers should be permitted to apply for a single room after nine months in a communal room, and ‘in so far as reasonably practicable’ be granted a single room after 15 months in direct provision accommodation centres.
- Within six months of the Reports publication, the McMahon Group recommended that all families have access to cooking facilities (this should have occurred by November 2016).
- By December 2016, families should have private living space, not solely being family bedrooms.
Various other requests for nutritional audits, standard settings of services within direct provision accommodation centres, ability for residents of centres to have guests, and the establishment of an independent inspectorate to examine quality of direct provision accommodation centres, were made.
An official within the Department of Justice declared in 2018 (in voicing his objections to an increase in direct provision allowance) that all recommendations made in the McMahon Report had been implemented. They clearly had not.
These National Standards are welcome. Yet, are in themselves problematic. As I stated to the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Equality and Justice:
In the context of standards within institutionalised settings, I would exercise a note of caution. When one begins by stating that there could be standards to watch over settings which, per se, grossly violate human rights, it gives some form of comfort that the system is fine. While they may be appropriate now, when we are not moving away from direct provision, we should proceed with a note of caution about the standardisation of everything. We do not have standardisation in our lives, but due to [our] failure to realise properly the rights of those in the international protection system, we suddenly need such standards. Where possible and appropriate, human beings need to live free to make decisions such as where and what to cook, and where and with whom to sleep. When we start outlining standards, such as requiring that a room be a certain size, it begins to decide intimate aspects of people’s lives, something I find uncomfortable.
Yet, the current realities are that almost 1 in 7 persons in the international protection process are currently not offered direct provision accommodation (as it is currently operated). Proposed ‘Emergency’ accommodation centres and direct provision centres over the last number of months have resulted in significant protests from communities. One proposed direct provision centre was set on fire down. Other communities have planned for the arrival of direct provision centres.
Liam is an associate professor in UCD School of Law.
